Moore Was Focus of Strategy Developed to Destroy Trump 2020

By late November, 2017, liberal Slate magazine gloated how the seemingly sure campaign of Moore for Senate faltered under "explosive" allegations that caused Doug Jones to rise and take the lead in the polls. Moore lost by 21,311 votes out of 1.3 million cast. (Getty Images photo)

The cause to vindicate Judge Roy Moore of all claims regarding sexual and seditious offenses took a leap forward during the last few weeks of 2018, according to an experienced trial attorney.

[Part one of a two-part news analysis, interview]

Johnny Davis commented to the Christian Action Network on Alabama Attorney General Steve Marshall’s probe of Moore’s political adversaries. Because there may be criminal offenses found, this is a game changer, “and make no mistake,” Davis said.

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Also, Moore’s comments to the Christian Action Network are well supported, indicating belief that Sen. Doug Jones, who narrowly defeated Moore for the seat in Dec. 2017, was knowledgeable of the dirty tactics.

“Oh, very well supported,” Davis said. “But there’s the matter of linking this to the top Jones campaign guy, Joe Trippi. Trippi is the one to look at first about these tactics.”

Trippi, of Howard Dean 2004 Presidential Campaign fame, is a long-time Democrat political strategist and political commentator for CNN.

But first of all, why? Why Moore?

Interjecting into the discussion on the key elements of the growing avalanche of new information about left-wing artillery aimed against Moore’s 2017 campaign for U.S. Senate is a question: why?

Why all the heavy-handed campaign warfare and interdiction? Why the misinformation and slander campaigns? How come, the well-heeled nationally funding sources and national Democrat Party figures such as Trippi? Was attacking Moore so very important?

Democrat political consultant Joe Trippi worked on Presidential nomination campaigns for Ted Kennedy, Walter Mondale, Gary Hart, John Edwards and Richard Gephardt before noted successes with social media funding and strategy for Howard Dean in 2003, 04. (Vanity Fair photo)

“Oh, that’s an easy one,” Davis replied. “If you want to start there, well, it’s like this: they have President Trump in mind. They have 2020 in mind.

“It was a special election, an opportunity at a Senate seat, sure, but it was ratcheted up especially because Moore was a populist conservative like Trump. On top of that, a man of uncompromising Christian principles as well,” he added.

“He was hated by the establishments of both parties, both Democrat and Republican Party leaders, which is again why I say it points back to how this will apply to Trump 2020.”

The warning for 2020: tactical coordination by numerous groups acting under the radar of full disclosure as candidate campaigns has been tried and perfected in Alabama.

The problem for these groups, according to Davis, and a possible problem for national entities linked to them, is that they violated Alabama campaign disclosure laws.

Who was arrayed against Moore?

According to Davis, the group Project Birmingham took lead position in front of several other groups. While not directly “over” them, Project Birmingham generally acted as a resource for the others.

This points to a consultancy firm, American Engagement Technology. They received high-dollar donations from persons such as LinkedIn co-founder Reid Hoffman, who gave $750,000 and recently apologized for it.

There’s more filings possible from this, that’s for sure

AET funneled $100,000 or more to a different political action group, New Knowledge, and they took part in creating fake Twitter and Facebook accounts under Russian-like names to fabricate a show of seditious-sounding help behind Moore’s Senate bid.

“They were all working together,” Davis said. “That is a known conspiracy.”

The next group to remember is Highway 31, that fanned the flames of intrigue over alleged contacts 40 years ago between Moore and several young women.

“Highway 31 was essentially a front organization for the Senate Majority PAC, (now run by Schumer confident J.B. Poersch),” Davis said. “This made it possible for Schumer to be involved in Alabama.”

More coordination of groups against Moore

Continuing Davis’ outline: Highway 31 kept on popularizing stories mentioning women and alleging improper contacts. These stories had been debunked.

They mainly drew from reports that ran in the New Yorker, that also came to be proven unsubstantiated, according to Davis.

A particular case in point was an allegation reported as if true that Moore had been banned from a local mall. It was hear-say by one unverified source. The story had been debunked by local police and mall officials more knowledgeable from the time.

But the New Yorker and Highway 31 ran on and on with those falsehoods anyway, and they expanded the diatribe to include exaggerated commentary and even scornful indignation that characterized Moore as if a child predator.

The New Yorker is another campaign bad-actor, Davis said, even though it is supposed to be a publication of journalism reporting the news.

“There’s more filings possible from this, that’s for sure,” Davis said. “A couple possibilities to consider in the shorter run are Highway 31 first, which then points to a slander case against the New Yorker and its parent company, the New York Times, after that.”

[Tomorrow: the what and where of Moore’s cause from here, and more about “discovery”]

Davis is a Constitutional and International law attorney and legal consultant serving in the Washington DC area.

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